Away for a few days.
See you all at the beginning of February.
Away for a few days.
See you all at the beginning of February.
For all of you who missed Monday’s BBC programme
Was he pushed?
Did the dour “Never on a Sunday” DUP object to “chuckling”?
With a Republican!!
What do you think?
FERMANAGH DUP councillor,
Bert Johnston has dug in his heels against a road name on the outskirts of Enniskillen being given an Irish dual name.
“I prefer the English name because if you put up an Ulster Scots name, it’s an indication that it’s a unionist area and if you put up a bi-lingual name, English and Irish, it’s an indication that it’s a republican area.”
councillor, Tommy Maguire, who also sits on the ‘naming’ committee, said “the use of the Irish name, along with the English name, on street signs was in keeping with political changes“.
for Mr Johnson, DUP Councillor
“We have been working away through the council to get to this stage, to getting the Irish language recognised in its rightful place post-Good Friday Agreement, post the St Andrews Agreement and post the European Convention on Minority Languages.”
“We have 110 people attending Irish classes that the council provides, and there are other developments across the county, including the setting up of a craobh (branch) of Conrad na Gaeilge in Donagh.”
“IRISH is there for everybody’
The Irish classes were launched in September and are held at the Enniskillen Castle Museum,
free of charge through Fermanagh District Council as part of its Linguistic Diversity Policy through a service level agreement with the Ulster Council GAA
In an e-mail message that ended up on social networks
DUP Councillor Bert Johnston
thanks for support and encouragement in ‘his bid against the introduction of the Irish language to his town that produced the Inniskilling Fusiliers that fought for freedom” –
Query: Doesn’t he know the Inniskilling Fusiliers no longer exist?
The Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers, a British Army Irish infantry regiment, was formed in 1881 by the amalgamation of the 27th (Inniskilling) Regiment of Foot and the 108th Regiment of Foot. It saw service in the South African War, WWI and WWII before being amalgamated into the Royal Irish Rangers in 1968
Query: What have the defunct Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers to do with Conas atá tú in Enniskillen?
MLA Phil Flanagan, said: “I have no problem respecting Bert’s Britishness. Clearly Bert has a problem respecting mine and others’ Irishness.”
“Bert’s comment is an example of how some within the DUP struggle to deal with the central plank of the Good Friday Agreement which is parity of esteem”.
Cllr Johnston responded: “The criticisms by the MLA Phil Flanagan is nothing to do with what I said. I would say that it’s just creating a storm in a teacup.”
Well Mr Johnson,
Nelson Mc Causland doesn’t get it either
Peter Robinson replied to what Mr Mc Guinness said
“The Deputy First Minister shows a visceral hatred of the Orange Institution in his interview.
While the DUP will always take its own decisions on political matters it deliberately invited a representative of the Orange Order to be part of the Haass Talks. I defy Martin McGuinness to deny that Mervyn Gibson’s contribution was anything other than instructive and positive. It is not a revelation to say that there is a link between the PUP and the UVF. Nor is there any news in the suggestion that just as the Orange has within its membership people who are in the DUP, UUP and TUV so too it includes members of the PUP”
Comment: The UVF’s political wing are the PUP. They appear regularly on podiums together with DUP politicians and Orange Order leaders.
An Orange Order spokesman remarked
“tired old mantra from a convicted terrorist, entirely without substance. Sinn Fein are masters of propaganda and one of their big tricks is to tell a big lie and keep on repeating it. We condemned terrorism when Mr McGuinness and his cohorts were actively involved in the IRA and continue to unreservedly oppose it today”.
Queries: What has that to do with links between the Orange Order, the PUP and the UVF? Or with lack of agreement of flags, parades, the past etc?
“The Orange Institution have always stood firm against attacks from the republican movement. During the height of the Troubles these attacks included the brutal murder of over 300 of our members and over 300 arson attacks on Orange halls. Where physical violence failed in the past, so too will verbal attacks fail now.”
Queries: How many people were murdered by members of the Orange Order during the Troubles? How many members of Loyalist paramilitaries were also in the Orange Order?
He added: “The Orange Institution takes its own decisions, applies its own decisions and stands by its own decisions. We will continue to speak out and act for what we believe is in the best interests of the Protestant and pro-Union community in Northern Ireland.”
Queries::Why is the Orange Order involved in politics?
Shouldn’t politicians work for the common goood of all the people, not just “The Protestant People of Ulster”.
Who is going to deal with the Conflict of Interest vis-à-vis Orange order members who are MPs at Westminster amd MLAs in the Stormont Assembly?
Same old, same old, Auld Orange Flute
The flute would play only “The Protestant Boys“.
When he tried it again, it played “Croppies Lie Down!”
“Kick the Pope” and “Boyne Water” it freely would sound
But one Papish squeak and it couldn’t be found.
As the flames rose around it, you could hear a strange noise
‘Twas the Old Flute still a-whistlin’ “The Protestant Boys“.
C O R K
Seamus from Cork
I was born in 1936 in No 9, Gouldings Terrace off Barrack Street. I was number five in line and our house was very small and in bad shape.
The terrace was actually one of a maze of lanes surrounding the Old Desmonds Square and in 1939 all the houses in the area were condemned and we were given a Corporation house in Gurranabraher, no. 15 Mount Nebo Avenue a three bedroom terrace house which was like a palace compared to what we had vacated.
There was no electricity in the house but we had a gas supply for light and cooking, and when the gas was rationed we cooked our meals on a sawdust drum in the backyard. The globe for the gas mantle was usually a two-pound jam jar with the bottom removed and sometimes when the globe became overheated it would break and come crashing down on the table.
We lived mainly on potatoes, bread, tripe, jam, and rice, and on a Sunday, if we were lucky we would have a pigs head and a pigs tail
Jam jars were also our drinking utensils. The pot of boiled potatoes was usually emptied on to the centre of the table and everyone just picked from the pile. Sliced pans had not been invented at that time
and the bread was baked in all shapes and sizes.Our table cloth was
pages from either the Examiner or the Echo and of course they were disposable, but in some ways we were better off than others, we were the proud owners of two spoons, one big and one small and the rest of us used our fingers for eating except for soup which we drank and slurped to our hearts content. Around the table at meal times we sat on one chair, a small stool
that seated one, a big stool that seated two and three tea chests.
Due to the rationing, tea was very scarce so our main drinks were cocoa and coffee, a thick liquid that came in a bottle
Sugar was also very scarce so we used saccarine tablets as a substitute and in order to spare the milk, it was put into the pot with the tea, coffee or cocoa, and if milk was unavailable we used a milk substitute
B E L F A S T
I remember wearing this jumper to the 46th Life Boys. Mum couldn’t afford a proper one at the time. I was wearing it when I had to do a Bible reading one Sunday
at the Drew Memorial on the Grosvenor Road. Remember storing bonfire wood over the wall at Grosvenor and climbing over to get it before the 11th night.
Of course I was tiny and the memory of doing this with the ‘Big Boys’ has stayed with me. Do you remember the store between the Killens and Skelly houses (8 & 10 Excise Street)? It was used and owned by Jebb who used to own several properties in the area and he also had a timber store in Distillery Street.
He also kept pigs in his Selby Street yard (back of Excise Street).
Excise St 1973
Brendan from Belfast
I was born in 1948 and brought up in Blackwater St,
a Protestant area- the only Catholic house in the street. We didn’t have much furniture, one soft chair for my father – the rest were bamboo or
wooden chairs, an outside toilet with a cistern. For us to get a bath we went to
the Falls Public Baths, sometimes once a week, once a fortnight. We had two bedrooms. A sitting-room downstairs, what we called the parlour, the room where my mother died. I remember my father, every Friday night he would come in and put the wage packet on the mantelpiece
and my job every Friday night was to go round and get what we called “the rations” – 3/4 lb of tea,3lb butter, 1 and 1/2 lb
and two shillings worth of broken biscuits. In the summer we had a bit of fruit or fish out of Fusco’s (a local fish and chip shop).I remember one midweek, we had no money whatsoever, not even a loaf of bread
D U B L I N
Jellybaby from Dublin:
Myself, born in 1952, I was married from a tenement flat in Dublin city in 1976. I remember the lack of privacy with the shared toilet on the landing above our flat. I remember the ‘toilet paper’ made from newspapers and hanging on string, the shared Belfast sink which would be worth a fortune today also on the landing,
The iron fireplace surrounds would also be worth a lot today. My mother dragging the messages, or a bag of coal up two flights of stairs,
and kneeling to scrub those same wooden stairs. We thankfully were not in very cramped conditions as there were only four in our family in two rooms, no bathroom.Another strong memory is the smell in the house, smells of
which my mother used to scrub us with until we were raw,
Jeyes Fluid which mother used every day when cleaning the toilet (she always said if she didn’t clean the toilet it would never be done as the other tenants rarely bothered), and the other smell which is wafting in my memory
is that of Lavender Furniture (or Floor?) Polish. She used this on the lino which although worn bare when polished it came up a treat.The main thing I will say is, as a child, I was extremely happy. I personally can’t remember being cold or hungry although I do remember my mother spreading margarine onto a crust and I sucked it sitting on the floor in front of the fire, and I also remember
our mattress, filled with horsehair, and my mother ironing the sheet with the old iron (made of iron and heated on the gas cooker) to make it warm for us on a winter’s night. But I also remember
the slops bucket which she carried up the stairs to the toilet to empty every day. I remember
with plastic paper cellotaped to the window frame to keep out the cold in winter, and the flies in summer, and I remember fly papers covered in bluebottles and flies.
There is no doubt my mother had it hard. She lived in that tenement flat until she died in 1984.
Ed Moloney, Voices From The Grave, Faber and Faber, ISBN 978-0-571-25368-1
Face to Face with Eamonn Mallie, whose son produced the show
Here’s Part 1 of the well-publicised programme
What emerges is a portrait of a power-driven egotist who is unable to admit responsibility for his own contribution to Loyalist violence or even to his faults – either he can’t remember or it’s always the other person’s fault – never his.
SDLP Councillor Declan O’Loan: “There will be some surprise that Ian Paisley is prepared to concede that the demands of the Civil Rights movement were justified. What he fails to do is take the obvious next step and admit that his political stance was fundamentally wrong. At no time has he ever done so.
“He is deeply inconsistent, even blaming the people of Ireland for the Dublin and Monaghan bombings which were carried out by the UVF”.
“ Ian Paisley resisted every movement towards reform. He did so in vitriolic, frequently anti-Catholic, language. I have no doubt that he stoked up hatred and built up fears”.
“Ian Paisley carries much of the responsibility for the wasted years when no political progress could be made here. His great u-turn when he led his Party into a power sharing government in 2007 does not wipe out his responsibility for great wrongs carried out over the previous 40 years,”
Here’s what a Loyalist, who was a Paisleyite as a young man, had to say
NB: Hitler didn’t actually throw any switches in any gas chamber – but he is rightly held responsible for the Holocaust.
Part 2 next week
God is not only Protestant, he is an Ulsterman and a member of the Orange Order
Paisley dominated hardline unionism and his dual role as political and religious leader provided a controversial combination of anti-nationalism and anti-Catholicism
From his earliest days Paisley used religious and political intransigence to form paramilitary groups and a political party as a means to further his own career.
1984: Freddie Parkinson, a UDA leader, stated that Paisley was “a tarantula who spreads the venom of further conflict and has been a major contributor to our prolonged tragedy.”
Paisley is one of the most vicious and implacable anti-Catholic hate mongers. By the actions of his own followers he is implicated in conspiring to deprive Catholics of their lives, rights and property
Paisley,Loyalist politics and paramilitary organizations
1956-66: Ulster Protestant Action. Paisley attended the inaugural meeting of this ‘ potentially armed expression of extreme loyalism‘ which was founded at a special meeting at the Ulster Unionist Party’s offices in Glengall Street, Belfast, formerly a large warehouse and shirt factory which was destroyed by bombs.
Its aim was to defend Ulster Protestant areas against anticipated IRA activity, by copying the Ulster Protestant Association which organised murder gangs for assassination attacks on Catholic areas of Belfast.
Even though Paisley was an ex officio member of the initial executive he came to dominate Ulster Protestant Action
and formed a branch in the Ravenhill district of Belfast where he lived.
1959: a major riot occurred on the Shankill Road in Belfast following a rally he had spoken at https://eurofree3.wordpress.com/2014/01/12/ian-kyle-paisley-highlights-of-his-life-2/
1964: his demand that the Royal Ulster Constabulary remove an Irish Tricolour from Sinn Féin’s Belfast offices led to two days of rioting
1966 – 1971; Paisley founded his Protestant Unionist Party, which campaigned for the retention of the Union, preferential treatment for Protestants in employment, and for total freedom for Orange parades.
He was also committed to the Ulster Constitution Defence Committee (UCDC) governing body of the loyalist Ulster Protestant Volunteers which was active between 1966 and 1969.
Loyalists started killing killed as early as 1966
and the UPV were planting bombs aimed at bringing down Northern Ireland’s prime minister Terence O’Neill in the spring of 1969.
The UCDC was the means by which Paisley led the protest against the reforms of Terence O’Neill in the late 1960s. The UCDC coordinated parades, counter demonstrations, and paramilitary activities, in order to maintain the status quo of the government, lead a campaign against the reforms of Terence O’Neill, and block the civil rights movement. Early leaders of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA)
were close confidants and workers for Paisley. Between 1971 and 1976 alone, the UDA [Ulster Defense Association] and its cover organizations murdered 600 Catholics.
1972: to advance his fortunes Paisley announced the formation of his own Democratic Unionist Party, a double-decker bus for fundamental Loyalism and fundamental Christianity. Its fuel was the Troubles.
1974: The Loyalist Workers Strike brought down the power-sharing government
1976: Ulster Service Corps (USC) In November 1976 Ian Paisley, then leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), while speaking in Westminster
stated that he “had been on patrol with the USC“.
A Loyalist paramilitary / vigilante group established in 1976, the USC had links with the United Unionist Action Council (UUAC). The group had many ex-members of the Ulster Special Constabulary (‘B-Specials’) in its ranks. The USC carried out overt and covert patrols, some armed with legal weapons, in rural areas of Northern Ireland.
September 1976 five Portadown USC members were arrested and charged with operating illegal roadblocks
1977: Loyalist strike The United Unionist Action Council (UUAC), strike was launched on May 2, 1977 by Mr Paisley and his political ally, Ernest Baird and supported by the UDA and Ulster Workers Council.
They were protesting against an alleged lack of security and to demand a return to unionist majority-rule government at Stormont. Mr Paisley was “associated with paramilitaries” and risked being charged with conspiracy.
1981 : in opposition to increasing co-operation between the UK and Irish governments Ian Paisley, then leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), created a ‘defensive militia‘.
At several rallies large groups of men displayed firearms certificates.
Rallies were held on hillsides near Gortin, Newry, and Armagh. At Gortin the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) were attacked and two vehicles overturned. On 3 December 1981 Ian Paisley said that the Third Force had 15,000 – 20,000 members. The UDA did not support Ian Paisley’s ‘Day of Action’ nor his ‘Third Force’.
1985: Paisley addressed the founding meeting of Ulster Resistance,
whose members were later involved in arms deals. They formed into nine battalions, and established informal links with the existing British terrorist organisations in Ireland, principally the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and the larger UDA.
During 1988 large quantities of arms were secured by the UDA some of which came from South Africa. In November 1988 there was an arms find in County Armagh and the subsequent arrest of a former DUP election candidate brought accusations of links between DUP politicians and armed paramilitary groups.
Ian Paisley issued a statement claiming that his party had severed links with the Ulster Resistance in 1987.
1995: Paisley played a part in the Drumcree conflict over marching in Portadown, County Armagh between the Orange Order and local residents of the Garvaghy Road.
The march passed off after the decision was made by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) to allow it and Paisley ended the march hand in hand with David Trimble who appeared to perform a “Victory Jig”.
12 July 2006 Portrush, following Orange Order parades Paisley said, “[Sinn Fein] are not fit to be in partnership with decent people. They are not fit to be in the government of Northern Ireland and it will be over our dead bodies if they ever get there.”
The Reavey and O’Dowd killings were two co-ordinated gun attacks on 4 January 1976 in County Armagh, Northern Ireland. Volunteers from the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), a loyalist paramilitary group, shot dead five unarmed Irish Catholic civilians. The shootings were part of a string of attacks on Catholics and Irish nationalists by the “Glenanne gang”; an alliance of loyalist militants, British soldiers and Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) police officers.
The next day, gunmen shot dead ten Protestant civilians in the Kingsmill massacre. This was claimed as retaliation for the Reavey and O’Dowd shootings. Kingsmill was the deadliest and last in a string of tit-for-tat killings in the area during the mid-1970s.
1999: Democratic Unionist Party leader Ian Paisley stated in the House of Commons that Eugene Reavey, father of the murdered youths, “set up the Kingsmill massacre”.
2010: a report by the Historical Enquiries Team
cleared Eugene of any involvement. The HET was the first state representative to show any interest in the triple murder.
“In three decades until then, nobody crossed our door,” Reavey says. “The police file on the killings was only a page-and-a-half long.” The HET apologised to the family for the security forces’ “appalling behaviour”.
The Reavey family have since been seeking an apology from Paisley. He said his information came from an RUC document.
The police said there was no such document and Reavey was entirely innocent. The only survivor of Kingsmill, Alan Black, says he knows Reavey wasn’t involved.
Contesting Ulster,John D. Brewer,In Ron Robin and Bo Strath (eds) Homelands: Poetic Power and the Politics of Space, Pp. 283-304. Brussels: Peter Lang. 2003.
Paisley dominated hardline unionism and his dual role as political and religious leader provided a controversial combination of anti-nationalism and anti-Catholicism
Paisley and the Kincora Scandal
1973: Valerie Shaw, a full-time missionary in Paisley’s church, approached Paisley with horrific news. William McGrath,senior administrator,house master at Kincora Boys’Home,
an orphanage in east Belfast was abusing boys at the home. Paisley knew the ringleader McGrath very well.
He was a close ally who had accompanied him to many meetings. Paisley had officiated at the weddings of two of McGrath’s children. Paisley ignored Shaw and refused to investigate.
“Senior members of the Grand Orange Lodge are aware of the situation because of the discussions and correspondence relating to McGrath within the Orange Order … Thomas Passmore and the Rev. Martin Smyth have blocked any action against McGrath. The Rev. Ian Paisley is aware of the situation but has failed to take any action because of possible blackmail pressure owing to his connection with McGrath, David Brown and John McKeague.”
January 1980: the Kincora scandal broke amid allegations, later proven that McGrath established it as a centre of child sex abuse. McGrath, Orangeman, leader of Tara,
a loyalist paramilitary group that sought to establish a Protestant Northern Ireland and outlaw Catholicism, was on the payroll of MI5 and MI6. He travelled to South Africa and Rhodesia to buy arms for Loyalist paramilitaries to help crush resistance to British rule in Northern Ireland. He and invited friends, including Red Hand Commando founder,
John McKeague regularly raped boys at the home.
A man who was also involved in the Orange Order and the Tara movement fell out with McGrath and allegedly attempted to expose his involvement in Kincora in an anonymous tip-off to the Police 10 years before McGrath’s arrest.
1982: Joshua Cardwell committed suicide after being questioned over Kincora.He was an East Belfast councillor who had chaired the committee responsible for children’s homes in the city.
When McGrath was convicted of repeated child abuse he boasted,
“Never have I committed an act unbecoming to an Orangeman”.
Paisley denied Shaw had told him about McGrath years earlier, but under pressure later admitted he had been told of her suspicions
Former Army Press officer Colin Wallace, who was based in Belfast, has long insisted that the authorities knew boys were being systematically sodomised at the home six years before they decided to act.
He was later jailed for the murder of a friend, but has maintained his innocence. Paul Foot , British investigative journalist, asserted he had been framed for manslaughter with a view to suppressing Wallace’s allegations of collusion between British forces and Loyalist paramilitaries in Northern Ireland during the 1970s
In files released by the Public Record Office under the 30-year rule a FORMER religious preacher involved in loyalist circles, who was a suspect in the Kincora abuse scandal, walked free because of perjured evidence, the UK’s most senior legal figure was told. Attorney General Michael Havers and senior Government officials were briefed on the man’s links to the children’s home – and how a file on his case had been destroyed.
A confidential government note in the files said: “It is claimed that influence was brought to bear on the police not to pursue their enquiries.”It added, “There are persistent rumours that ‘guilty men’ in high places have not been brought to justice.”
Here’s what Ken Livingstone said about Kincora boys home
January 2014: The Northern Ireland Historical Institutional Abuse Inquiry, chaired by retired judge Sir Anthony Hart,
will examine claims relating to the Kincora boys’ home in east Belfast where a senior Orangemen, the late William McGrath, along with a number of loyalist extremists, repeatedly raped young children.
The tribunal may also have to explore allegations that the security services MI5 and RUC special branch knew about the abuse in Kincora but failed to act because some of those responsible were state agents.
MISS SHAW SAYS SHE DID GO TO THE POLICE
• Who Framed Colin Wallace?, (1989), London:Macmillan, ISBN 0-333-47008-7.